
The question of the dissolution of the USSR was decided in the last four months of its existence, after the August coup and before the meeting of the heads of the USSR republics in Alma-Ata in December. Some historians feel that one of the key reasons for the collapse of the Union was the relations between Russia and Ukraine, the second most important republic of the USSR. In September 1991, Ukraine held a referendum on independence and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Ukrainian SSR Leonid Kravchuk declared his desire to make Ukraine a non-nuclear independent state. In December, in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, it was proposed to dissolve the USSR and form the Commonwealth of Independent States in its place. At the same time, Yeltsin admitted that if one of the republics terminated its “allied relations” with Russia, Moscow would have the right to raise the issue of territorial claims. Later, Yeltsin’s press secretary Pavel Voshchanov clarified that he was specifically talking about Crimea and Donbass.
In the end, it was decided to leave Crimea to Ukraine. The United States played an active mediating role between the Ukrainian and Russian leadership. Washington treated the situation cautiously, not wanting to allow a chaotic collapse of the USSR or conflicts. Historian Sergei Plokhikh wrote that Secretary of State James Baker listened to the position of Gorbachev and the Union center, fearing a conflict in the East of Ukraine, the risk of which Shevardnadze warned him about. US National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft also acted cautiously. Pentagon chief Dick Cheney and his supporters in Congress insisted on more active support for Ukrainian independence.
President Bush found himself in the center of the soon-to-be post-Soviet political maelstrom, no doubt watching in wonder as history folded in on itself a continent away, day after day. In this instalment of declassified phone conversations, the fresh translations allow us to “listen in” to Bush as he congratulates Leonid Kravchuk, Ukraine’s first president, after the latter’s successful independence referendum; we are also silent witnesses to a phone conversation between Bush and Yeltsin, as the latter explains his new partnership with Ukraine and Belarus to create a Commonwealth of Independent States, which – if implemented – would remove the position then held by Mikhail Gorbachev; we also get front row seating for a bittersweet conversation between Bush and Gorbachev on the eve of Gorbachev’s announcement that he is stepping down.

3 December 1991 6:59 – 7:09 am
BUSH: Can you hear me, Mr. President?
KRAVCHUK: I can hear you, Mr. President.
BUSH: I am calling to congratulate you on your confident victory and the convincing results of the referendum.
KRAVCHUK: I am grateful to you, Mr. President. 90.3% approved of Ukraine’s independence. I recall our discussions in the White House about the future of Ukraine and the referendum. I must tell you that at least 50% in all regions of Ukraine supported independence. This vote took place under the supervision of international observers, including from the United States.
BUSH: Congratulations. Yesterday we issued a statement congratulating Ukraine on the results of the referendum. We sent a copy to [Ukrainian SSR representative to the UN General Assembly Gennady] Udovenko at the UN. I look forward to any comments you may have on the statement, which sets forth U.S. policy toward Ukraine.
In the coming days, I will send Under Secretary of State for European Affairs Thomas Niles as Special Envoy for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations. If you are not too busy, I hope you can receive him. After Niles returns, Jim Baker is scheduled to visit Kyiv and Moscow to continue the discussions Niles will have begun.
KRAVCHUK: Excellent. I would be very happy to host Deputy Secretary Niles to discuss issues of mutual interest to us. We would be very happy to host Mr. Baker later for a more detailed discussion of U.S.-Ukrainian relations, particularly on such topics as disarmament and human rights. We want to discuss all the issues that need to be addressed to be accepted in the international community.
BUSH: Excellent. These are the very issues I hoped to discuss. Obviously, the plan for independence will require resolving some difficult challenges between Ukraine and Russia – economic, defense, and other related issues. Clearly, you want to achieve a peaceful resolution of these issues.
I just wanted to call to see if you could see Assistant Secretary Niles and Secretary Baker, and to wish you all the best in your endeavors.
KRAVCHUK: Thank you, Mr. President. I want to say that I spoke with Boris Yeltsin. He said that based on the results of the referendum, Russia will recognize Ukraine as an independent state. This Saturday, I will meet with Mr. Yeltsin and Shushkevich in Minsk to discuss all of the issues and priority areas in relations with the Russian Republic.
BUSH: Excellent, that’s very important.
KRAVCHUK: Once again, thank you for the conversation and for your desire to get to know Ukraine better. I look forward to the visit of the Assistant Secretary and the Secretary of State and will be very pleased to meet with them.

December 8, 1991 1:08 – 1:36 pm
BUSH: Hello, Boris. How are you?
YELTSIN: Hello, Mr. President. I am very pleased to spend some time with you. Mr. President, we agreed that in the event of events of extraordinary importance, we would inform each other, I would inform you, and you would inform me. Today, a very important event took place in our country, and I would like to personally inform you before you learn about it from the press.
BUSH: Of course, thank you.
YELTSIN: We had a meeting today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics – Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia. We have gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions that lasted almost two days, we have come to the conclusion that the existing system and the Union Treaty, which we are being persuaded to sign, do not suit us. That is why we have gathered together and literally minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of three republics – Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia – noting that the negotiations on the new [Union] Treaty have reached an impasse, recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center has led us to an economic and political crisis that has affected all production spheres and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia, have signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or a group of independent states.
BUSH: I understand.
YELTSIN: The members of this Commonwealth aim to strengthen international peace and security. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed by the former Union, including on external debt. We also advocate for unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations – Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia.
In the room from which I am calling, the President of Ukraine and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus are with me. I have also just finished a conversation with the President of Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev. I read him the full text of the agreement, including all 16 articles. He fully supports all our actions and is ready to sign the agreement. He will soon fly to Minsk airport to sign it.
BUSH: Understood.
YELTSIN: This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the entire gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been giving orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are sure that this is the only way out of the critical situation in which we find ourselves.
BUSH: Boris, do you…
YELTSIN: Mr. President, I must tell you in confidence that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to meet – in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his level. Mr. President, I have been very, very frank with you today. We, the four countries, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We do not want to do anything secretly – we will immediately send a statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.
BUSH: Boris, I am grateful for your call and your frankness. We will look at all 16 points now. What do you think the center’s reaction will be?
YELTSIN: First, I spoke with the Minister of Defense [Yevgeny] Shaposhnikov. I want to read Article 6 of the agreement. Shaposhnikov actually fully agrees and supports our position. And now I will read Article 6:
“The member states of the Commonwealth will cooperate in the interests of peace and international security, as well as in the interests of arms control and the reduction of armaments and defense spending. They will strive to maintain the arms control system, including the complete elimination of nuclear weapons and complete disarmament under strict international control. They will respect each other’s efforts to create non-nuclear states, non-nuclear and neutral states.”
BUSH: Understood.
YELTSIN: Mr. President, please pay attention to the next section. I ask the translator to translate it accurately: “The members of the alliance will preserve and will maintain a unified command over the common military strategic domain. They will develop and codify a unified system of command of the armed forces, which will provide for common control over nuclear weapons and will take into account the procedural aspects of this issue.” Dear George, I have finished. This is an extremely, extremely important point. Because of the tradition established between us, I could not even wait ten minutes before calling you.
BUSH: First of all, I am very grateful to you. Second, we will study the 16 points with great interest just as soon as we receive them.
YELTSIN: I will send them immediately.
BUSH: We will be obliged to provide you with a response and will return to you with an answer. Thank you for your exceptional courtesy.
YELTSIN: I am very pleased. This is truly the latest information. Frankly, even Gorbachev does not know about it, we will inform him immediately.
BUSH: Thank you again for this special courtesy to the United States. We will be working with you and others as the situation evolves. We hope that this entire phase will be harmonious.
YELTSIN: Yes, of course.
BUSH: Please convey my respects to the other two presidents [Kravchuk and Shushkevich], and to Nazarbayev when you see him.
YELTSIN: Mr. President, thank you for understanding our position and for your support. Given the situation we are in, we could not have done it any other way.
BUSH: We certainly want to look at this carefully. We understand that this is something that the participants should decide, not outsiders like the United States.
YELTSIN: We guarantee this, Mr. President.
BUSH: Well then, good luck, and thank you for your call. We will wait for the reaction of the center and other republics. I think time will tell.
YELTSIN: I am convinced that all of the other republics will understand us and will join us very soon.
BUSH: Thank you again for your call after such a historic event.
YELTSIN: Goodbye.
BUSH: Goodbye.

December 13, 1991 10:49 – 11:15 am
YELTSIN: Mr. President, I would like to briefly describe the events taking place here. The parliaments of Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia ratified the Commonwealth agreements yesterday. In addition, the leaders of the five Central Asian republics met in Ashgabat yesterday. They decided to join the Commonwealth and agreed to sign the document on December 21st in Alma-Ata.
I also met with the President of Moldova [Mircea] Snegur yesterday. He wants to join us and sign the agreement. [President of Armenia] Ter-Petrosyan, who previously abandoned the agreement, is also ready to join.
So it turns out that on December 20th, 21st, or 22nd, ten independent states will sign the agreement together. In addition, I met with the Army General Staff, the security forces, the internal security forces. They all support our decision. As of today, everything is calm in Moscow.
I talk to Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev every day so that the transition goes smoothly and without interference. By the end of December, beginning of January, we will have a full commonwealth of independent states, and the structures of the center will cease to exist. We treat Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev with great respect and warmth. He himself will decide his fate.
Mr. President, we have also taken all the necessary legal steps to enter the market and will end price controls on January 2nd, and we may have problems with food supplies. The European Commission has decided to take quick action to help with food, especially in Russia. I would like to personally ask you to see if you could help us with food, so as to prevent unrest among the population.
Please do not worry about nuclear weapons. We have discussed all the issues with Defense Minister [Boris] Shaposhnikov. Together with Kazakhstan, we will have all four nuclear republics and a single military-strategic command in the Commonwealth.
BUSH: This is very interesting. What decisions have been made regarding the rest of the Soviet armed forces in the other republics?
YELTSIN: In fact, the only aspect that remains is the ground forces, because we believe that the Air Force, Navy, and [Strategic] Rocket Forces are under the strategic command. In essence, we will have a single command of the ground forces, with the exception of Ukraine, which wants to have its own. But Ukraine will have the number of troops that we agree on.
BUSH: Boris, what do you think Gorbachev is going to do? The American position is to let the leaders of democracy and reform, including both of you, sort these issues out without US involvement.
YELTSIN: I met with him yesterday. According to him, he is essentially not against agreeing with the decision of the “ten.” He is taking reality into account. In accordance with the 1922 treaty, we can say that ten independent republics will sign an agreement and their decision is final. This means that the central bodies will simply cease to exist.
We will have a Council of Presidents of the ten, as well as a Council of Heads of Government, which will coordinate functions and resolve common issues. We will have a defense council with one leader. It will be similar to something like the British Commonwealth of Nations.
Mikhail Sergeyevich is taking time to consider his plans. It would be inappropriate to hint at what he should do. We treat him with respect. We do not want to force this issue and want him to make his own decision. We will not have the position of the President of the Commonwealth. We will all be equal. All of the Soviet Union organs will be transferred to Russia. They will become Russian institutions. Intelligence, security and the like will become part of Russia.
BUSH: Boris, about the food situation, Jim Baker is coming over, and I will pass on this urgent request to him. He will discuss it with you. He leaves tomorrow.
YELTSIN: Yes, Monday at 10:00. We will have a big meeting. If he receives your instructions on Monday, we could go into detail about the distribution and use of Soviet military transport to help us. That is what we have agreed to do with Germany and the EU.
BUSH: Just one thing. Yesterday we announced that we will hold a Coordination Conference in January. Jim Baker will explain and discuss it with you on Monday.
YELTSIN: Yes, very good. I am aware of the conference.
BUSH: If I may, allow me one personal observation. I’ve worked closely with you and Gorbachev over the years, as events have evolved. We have great respect for him, Shevardnadze, and the reformers, and history will show how serious their contribution was. So we said that the republics and the center should decide how things would evolve. But we made sure that the United States treated these people with respect and friendliness. I was interested to hear that you had a close relationship with Gorbachev. I hope that as events move forward, this evolution will be on friendly terms. The United States will not make statements that someone should be kicked out.
YELTSIN: I guarantee, I promise you personally, Mr. President, that everything will be fine and decent. We will treat Gorbachev and Shevardnadze with great respect. Everything will be calm and gradual, without any radical measures.
BUSH: Wonderful. I am glad to hear that. We will not and can not stand in the way of progress. We will support democracy and the reforms you represent. All the rest reassures me. I wish you a Merry Christmas.
YELTSIN: Yes, Mr. President. Thank you. I want everything to go smoothly and peacefully.
BUSH: Okay, Jim Baker looks forward to meeting you. Good luck to you.

December 25, 1991 10:03 – 10:25
BUSH: Hello, Mikhail.
GORBACHEV: George, my dear friend. It’s good to hear your voice.
BUSH: I am pleased to be greeting you on such a significant day, such a historic day. Thank you for calling.
GORBACHEV: Let me start with something pleasant: Merry Christmas to you, Barbara, and your entire family. I thought about when to make my statement — Tuesday or today. In the end, I decided to do it today, at the end of the day. So first I want to say Merry Christmas and best wishes.
And now I must say that in about two hours I will appear on Moscow television with a short statement about my decision. I have sent you a letter, George. I hope you will receive it soon. In the letter I expressed the most important things. Now I would like to reaffirm how highly I value what we have managed to accomplish during our time together — when you were Vice President and then when you became President of the United States. I hope that all the leaders of the Commonwealth countries, and first and foremost Russia, understand the value of the joint experience accumulated by the leaders of our two countries. I hope they understand their responsibility for preserving and building upon this important resource.
In our Union, the debates about what kind of state to create did not go in the direction that I considered to be the correct one. But I want to assure you that I will use all my political influence and authority to make the new Commonwealth effective. I am pleased that the leaders of the Commonwealth have already reached agreements on important nuclear and strategic issues in Alma-Ata. I hope that decisions will be made on other issues in Minsk as well, which will ensure a mechanism for cooperation between the republics.
George, let me tell you something that I think is extremely important.
BUSH: I’m listening.
GORBACHEV: Of course, it is necessary to follow the path of recognizing all these countries. But I would like you to consider how important it is for the future of the Commonwealth to prevent the aggravation of the processes of disintegration and destruction. So our common duty is to help the process of establishing cooperation between the republics. I would like to especially emphasize this point.
Now about Russia – this is the second most important topic of our conversations. In front of me on my desk is the decree of the President of the USSR on my resignation. I am also resigning from my duties as Supreme Commander-in-Chief and transferring the authority to use nuclear weapons to the President of the Russian Federation. That is, I am in charge of affairs until the completion of the constitutional process. I can assure you that everything is under strict control. As soon as I announce my resignation, these decrees will come into force. There will be no inconsistency. You can spend your Christmas evening in peace. Returning to Russia, I want to say once again that we must do everything possible to support it. I will do everything in my power to support Russia. But our partners must also try and play their own roles in helping and supporting Russia.
As for me, I won’t be going off to hide in the taiga or the forests. I will remain politically active, I will remain in political life. My main goal is to help in the processes that began with perestroika and new thinking in foreign policy. Representatives of your press here have asked me many times about our personal relations. At this historic moment, I want you to know how much I value our cooperation, partnership, and friendship. Our roles may change, but I would like to assure you that what we have achieved will not change. Raisa and I wish you and Barbara all the best.
BUSH: Mikhail, first of all I want to express my gratitude for your call. I listened to your message with great interest. We will continue to be involved, especially with regard to the Russian Republic, whose enormous difficulties may be further aggravated this winter. I am very glad that you are not going off to hide in the woods, but will continue to be active politically. I am absolutely sure that this will be to the benefit of the new Commonwealth.
I am grateful for your clarification regarding nuclear weapons. This is a vital issue of international importance, and I am grateful to you and the leaders of the republics for the excellent organization and implementation of the process. I have noted that constitutional responsibility for this issue is transferred to Boris Yeltsin. I assure you that we will continue to cooperate closely in this regard.
Now on a personal note, Mikhail. Your very warm comments about the relationship that we have developed with you and with Jim Baker have not gone unnoticed. I appreciate your words very much, because they accurately reflect my feelings. Your call found me at Camp David, with Barbara, our three children and grandchildren. Another child is in Florida, and another is in Virginia with his family.
The horseshoe rink where you tossed that ringer is still in good condition. Which reminds me, by the way, of what I wrote to you: I hope our paths will cross again soon. You are always a welcome guest in the United States. Perhaps we can even meet here at Camp David, after you have settled your affairs. Our friendship is as strong as ever and will remain so. There can be no doubt about that.
Of course, I will conduct my relations with the leaders of Russia and the other republics with due respect and openness. We will move toward recognizing and respecting the sovereignty of each republic. We will cooperate with them on a wide range of issues. But this will in no way affect my desire to maintain contact with you and listen to your advice, regardless of what your new role will be. I really want to preserve our friendship, which Barbara and I value very, very much.
So, on this festive occasion and at this historic moment, we pay tribute to you and thank you for all you have done for world peace. Thank you very much.
GORBACHEV: Thank you, George. It warms me to hear all of this today. I say goodbye and shake your hand. You have told me many important things, and I am grateful for that.
BUSH: All the best, Mikhail.
GORBACHEV: Goodbye.
Translation © 2025 by Michael Estes and TranslatingHistory.org
