By January 1974, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn was already well known throughout most of the Soviet Union as a rabble-rouser, trouble-maker, ne’er-do-well, and pretty good author. When he quietly sent his weighty manuscript for ‘Gulag Archipelago‘ off to the YMCA Press to be published in Paris and New York City, many inside Kremlin circles were shocked, to say the least.
Solzhenitsyn’s ears may have been burning brightly in the afternoon of the 7th of January of that year, when his name came up quite often among members of the Communist Party leadership during that day’s Central Committee meeting. While the likes of Brezhnev, Andropov, Gromyko, Grishin, Suslov, Kirilenko, and many others sat around the table drinking delicious East German chicory, they discussed the bad press that Solzhenitsyn’s new book would be foisting onto the Soviet Union and, basically, how fed up they were with the author. After all, it is said that this new book contained passages that stand against the October Revolution, the Soviet system, the Communist Party, and (per Suslov) “the holiest of holies, Lenin.”
What to do with the problematic author? Many felt that he should be expelled, kicked out of the country without his consent. Let some other country deal with the curmudgeon. But others at the table felt that would be going too easy on him – he should submit to the Soviet court system and, if (well, when) found guilty of his accused crimes, he should rot in prison. The main challenge at the time was the fact that any immediate decision made would likely be problematic, as it would be made public during the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which was underway at the same time. Because of this, some opted to wait 3-4 months for a decision, whereas others felt that the iron was hot and needed striking in a pronto-like manner.
In the end, all appeared to agree that drafting some scathing articles for the media as part of a massive propaganda campaign to showcase Solzhenitsyn as a bad seed. But what was the final agreed-upon decision? It might be a little different than what history revealed, so read the following translation to find out.
Top Secret
Only copy
Working record
MEETING OF THE POLITICAL BUREAU OF THE TsK CPSU
7 January 1974
Chaired by L. BREZHNEV
Present: Comrades Andropov, Grishin, Gromyko, Kirilenko, Kosygin, Podgornyy, Polyanskiy, Suslov, Shelepin, Demichev, Solomentsev, Ustinov, Kapitonov, and Katushev
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5. Regarding Solzhenitsyn
BREZHNEV: In France and the USA, according to reports from our offices abroad and the foreign press, Solzhenitsyn’s new work – “The Gulag Archipelago” – is being published. Comrade Suslov said that the Secretariat made a decision to use our press to roll out an effort to expose Solzhenitsyn’s writings and bourgeois propaganda in connection with the publication of this book. So far, no one has read this book, but its content is already known. This is a crude anti-Soviet slur. In connection with this, we need to consult today on how to proceed further. According to our laws, we have every reason to put Solzhenitsyn in prison, because he has encroached on the most sacred – on Lenin, on our Soviet system, on Soviet power, on everything that is dear to us.
In due course, we imprisoned Yakir, Litvinov, and others. We convicted them, and then everything was over. Kuznetsov, Alliduyev, and others fled abroad. Initially they made a lot of noise, and then everything was forgotten. And then this hooligan element, Solzhenitsyn, went wild. He waggles at everything, does not consider anything. What will we do with him? If we now apply sanctions against him, will it be beneficial to us, since bourgeois propaganda is using it against us? I put this question as a matter for discussion. I just want us to exchange opinions, consult and work out the right decision.
KOSYGIN: There is a note from Comrade Andropov on this issue. The note contains a recommendation that Solzhenitsyn be expelled from the country.
BREZHNEV: I spoke with Comrade Andropov about this.
ANDROPOV: I believe that Solzhenitsyn should be expelled from the country without his consent. Back in the day, Trotsky was expelled from the country without asking his consent.
BREZHNEV: And it’s obvious that Solzhenitsyn himself won’t consent to it.
KIRILENKO: It’s possible to remove him without his consent.
PODGORNYY: Does such a country exist that will take him without consent?
BREZHNEV: Don’t forget that Solzhenitsyn wouldn’t even leave the country to accept the Nobel Prize.
ANDROPOV: When he was offered to go abroad to receive the Nobel Prize, he asked about his guaranteed return to the Soviet Union. Comrades, I have been raising the question of Solzhenitsyn since 1965. Now he has reached a new stage in his hostile activity. He is trying to create an organization within the Soviet Union, putting it together from former prisoners. He stands against Lenin, against the October Revolution, and against the socialist system. His composition “Gulag Archipelago” is not a work of art, but a political document. This is dangerous. We have tens of thousands of Vlasovs, Ounovs, and other hostile elements in our country. In general, hundreds, if not thousands of people, among whom Solzhenitsyn will find support. Now everyone is watching how we will deal with Solzhenitsyn, whether we will apply sanctions to him or leave him alone.
Comrade Keldysh called me recently, asking why we aren’t taking measures against Sakharov. He says that if we do nothing about Sakharov, how will such academics as Kapitsa, Engelgart, and others behave next?
Comrades, all of this is very important, and it’s up to us to handle these issues now, in spite of the fact that the all-European meeting is taking place.
I believe that we should bring Solzhenitsyn to trial and apply the Soviet laws to him. Right now, many foreign correspondents and other disaffected people are going to Solzhenitsyn. He carries on conversations and even press conferences with them. Let’s assume that we have a hostile underground and that the KGB saw through it. But Solzhenitsyn acts openly, acts brazenly. He uses the humane attitude of the Soviet authorities and conducts hostile work with impunity. Therefore, it is necessary to take all the measures that I wrote about to the Central Committee, that is, to expel him from the country. Beforehand, we will ask our ambassadors to probe the governments of the respective countries, whether or not they can take him in. If we do not expel him now, he will continue his hostile activities. You know that he wrote the hostile novel “August 1914,” wrote the scurrilous “Gulag Archipelago,” and now he is writing “October 1917” [sic]. This will be a new anti-Soviet work.
Therefore, I propose to expel Solzhenitsyn from the country via administrative procedures. Our ambassadors will be instructed to make the corresponding request to a number of countries, which I name in the note, with the aim of accepting Solzhenitsyn. If we do not take these measures, all our propaganda work will lead to nothing. If we publish articles in newspapers or talk about him on the radio, but take no measures, then it will be all bark, no bite. We need to decide what to do with Solzhenitsyn.
BREZHNEV: And what if he’s expelled to a socialist country?
ANDROPOV: It is unlikely, Leonid Ilyich, that this will be accepted by the socialist countries. After all, we will be bestowing them with such a specimen. Perhaps we should ask Iraq, Switzerland, or some other country? He can live abroad comfortably, he has 8 million rubles in his accounts in European banks.
SUSLOV: Solzhenitsyn insulted, spit on the Soviet system, the Communist Party, and he attacked the holiest of holies – Lenin.
It is not a question of if, but when we have to do something with Solzhenitsyn: whether he will be expelled from the country, or whether he will be judged according to our Soviet laws – something must be done. In order to carry out this or that measure against Solzhenitsyn, it is necessary to prepare our people, and we must do this by spreading extensive propaganda. We did the right thing with Sakharov when we carried out the appropriate propaganda effort. In fact, there are no more malicious letters regarding Sakharov. Millions of Soviet people listen to the radio, listen to programs about this new writing. All of this affects the people.
We need to come up with a series of articles and expose Solzhenitsyn. This must be done.
According to the decision adopted by the Secretariat, one or two articles are slated to appear in “Pravda” and “Literaturnaya Gazeta.” People will know about Solzhenitsyn’s book. Of course, there is no need to launch campaigns around this, just publish a few articles.
KIRILENKO: It will only draw more attention to Solzhenitsyn.
SUSLOV: Well, we can’t just do nothing.
POLYANSKIY: It is necessary to combine propaganda measures and simultaneously take administrative measures.
GROMYKO: Solzhenitsyn is an enemy, and I am in favor of the most strict measures against him.
As for the implementation of propaganda measures, they must come in small doses. It is necessary to carefully consider them. But it is impossible to refuse such steps as Comrade Andropov suggests. If we forcibly expel him from the country without his consent, then we must bear in mind that bourgeois propaganda may turn against us. It would be good to evict with consent, but he will not give that consent. Perhaps we will have a little more time while the European meeting is underway? Even if some country agrees, it would be inexpedient to expel him now, because widespread propaganda can be deployed against us, and this will not help us at the end of the all-European meeting. I suggest we wait three or four months, but I say once again that in principle I am in favor of strict measures. Solzhenitsyn now needs to be enclosed inside a border so that he is isolated for those months, so that people through whom he can conduct propaganda are not allowed to reach him.
In the near future, Leonid Ilyich will be visiting Cuba. And this is also not very beneficial for us now, because they will put out a lot of different kinds of materials against the Soviet Union. From within the country, we must take the necessary propaganda measures to expose Solzhenitsyn.
USTINOV: I would consider it appropriate to start working on the implementation of the proposals made by Comrade Andropov. However, at the same time, it is necessary to publish propaganda materials exposing Solzhenitsyn.
PODGORNYY: I would like to put the question this way: what administrative measures should be taken in relation to Solzhenitsyn? Either he will be tried according to Soviet laws within the country and forced to serve his sentence here, or, as suggested by Comrade Andropov, we will expel him from the country. The fact that Solzhenitsyn is an enemy, impudent, and fiery, and that he is leading partisans who follow him is indisputable. The fact that he does all this with impunity is also clear to all of us. Let’s see what will be more beneficial for us, which measure: court or deportation. In many countries – in China, people are openly executed; in Chile, the fascist regime shoots and tortures people; the English in Ireland use repressions against the working people, but we are dealing with an ardent enemy, and we look away when he pours mud on everything and everyone.
I believe that our law is humane, but at the same time merciless when it comes to enemies, and we must try him according to our Soviet laws in our Soviet court and force him to serve his sentence in the Soviet Union.
DEMICHEV: Of course there’s going to be noise abroad, but we have already published several materials about Solzhenitsyn’s new book. We need to continue to develop propaganda work, since it is impossible to remain silent. If in his play “The Victors’ Feast [Пир победителей]” Solzhenitsyn says that he writes this way because he is angry with Soviet power, then now in the book “Gulag Archipelago,” which he wrote in 1965, he more brazenly, more openly opposes the Soviet system, against the party. Therefore, we must give sharp speeches in our press. This, in my opinion, will not affect the de-escalation of international tensions and the all-European meeting.
SUSLOV: Party organizations are waiting, and the socialist countries are also waiting, how we will react to Solzhenitsyn’s actions. The bourgeois press is now trumpeting Solzhenitsyn’s book with all its might. And we cannot be silent.
KATUSHEV: All of us are unequivocally clearly stated in our assessment of Solzhenitsyn’s actions. This is an enemy, and he must be dealt with accordingly. Apparently, we will not go away from not resolving the Solzhenitsyn issue now, but it must be resolved in totality. On the one hand, to use all our propaganda against Solzhenitsyn and, on the other hand, we need to take measures in accordance with the note of Comrade. Andropov.
It is possible, obviously, based on a decision from the Supreme Council. to evict him from the territory of our country and talk about it in the press. He encroached on our sovereignty, on our freedoms, on our laws, and must be punished for this.
Negotiations on Solzhenitsyn’s ouster will obviously take 3-4 months, but, I repeat, it is necessary to solve this problem comprehensively and expel him from the country. The sooner the better.
As for our press, it must be addressed by publishing articles.
KAPITONOV: I would like to think about this issue like this: if we drive Solzhenitsyn out of the country, how will our people understand it? Of course, there can be all sorts of misunderstandings, rumors, etc. What will we show by this – our strength or weakness? I think that in any case, we will not show our strength with this. So far, we haven’t debunked him ideologically, and we haven’t told the people, essentially, anything about Solzhenitsyn. And this must be done. First of all, we need to start work on exposing Solzhenitsyn, turn him inside out, and then any administrative measure will be understandable to our people.
SOLOMETSEV: Solzhenitsyn is a seasoned enemy of the Soviet Union. If it weren’t for the foreign policy actions that the Soviet Union is taking now, it would certainly be possible to resolve the issue without delay. But how will this or that decision affect our foreign policy actions? But, obviously, in all cases, we must tell the people everything that needs to be said about Solzhenitsyn. It is necessary to give a sharp assessment of his actions, his hostile activity. Of course, the people will ask, why aren’t they taking any action against Solzhenitsyn? In the GDR, for example, they have already published an article about Solzhenitsyn, and in Czechoslovakia, too. I am not talking about bourgeois countries – yet our press is silent. On the radio, we hear a lot about Solzhenitsyn, about his work “Gulag Archipelago,” but our radio is silent, it does not say anything.
I believe that we cannot remain silent, the people are waiting for decisive action. In the press, it is necessary to offer resonant materials on the exposure of Solzhenitsyn. Obviously, it is necessary to come to an agreement with the socialist countries and with the communist parties of the capitalist countries regarding the propaganda measures that they would carry out in their countries.
I believe that Solzhenitsyn should be tried according to our laws.
GRISHIN: Comrade Andropov should obviously look for a country that would agree to accept Solzhenitsyn. As for exposing Solzhenitsyn, that should be started immediately.
KIRILENKO: When we talk about Solzhenitsyn as an anti-Soviet and malicious enemy of the Soviet system, every time it coincides with some important events, and we postpone the solution to this issue. At one time it was justified, but now it is impossible to postpone the solution of this issue. What was written about Solzhenitsyn is good, but it is necessary to write about Solzhenitsyn, as the comrades have already said here, more solidly, sharply, with arguments. For example, the Polish writer Królikowski wrote a very good revealing article about Solzhenitsyn. Now Solzhenitsyn is getting more and more arrogant. He is not alone, he is in contact with Sakharov. Abroad, he has contacts with the NTS [National Alliance of Russian Solidarists]. Therefore, the time has come to take on Solzhenitsyn for real, in such a way that his eviction from the country or other administrative measures would follow.
Andrey Andreevich [Gromyko] says that, in the end, this measure could still turn against us. But regardless, we cannot leave this issue alone. Enemies will put a spanner in the works, and we cannot be silent about it. Even many bourgeois newspapers are now writing about Solzhenitsyn and declare that he will obviously be tried according to Soviet laws and that he is already subject to the law on violation of the convention on the protection of copyright, which we have joined.
I am for the proposal put forward by Comrade Andropov.
We need to place articles in the newspapers, but they have to be very well-argued, detailed ones.
KOSYGIN: We are all, comrades, of a like mind, and I fully agree with what’s been said.
For years now, Solzhenitsyn has been trying to dominate the minds of our people. We are somehow afraid to touch him, and meanwhile all our actions in relation to Solzhenitsyn would be welcomed by the people.
If there is talk about the public opinion that will be created abroad, then we need to reason like this: whatever will offer the least harm – we will either expose him, condemn him and put him in prison, or we will wait a few more months, then we will deport him to another country.
I think that the cost will be lower for us if we act decisively against him now and condemn him according to Soviet laws.
Obviously, articles about Solzhenitsyn should be published in the papers, but serious ones. Solzhenitsyn was bought by bourgeois companies and agencies, and works for them. Solzhenitsyn’s book “Gulag Archipelago” is a blatant anti-Soviet work. I talked with Comrade Andropov on this issue. Of course, the capitalist countries will not accept Solzhenitsyn. I am in favor of Comrade Andropov trying to probe the question of which of the capitalist countries can accept him. But, on the other hand, we have nothing to fear from applying harsh measures of Soviet justice to Solzhenitsyn. Take England. Hundreds of people are being killed there. Or Chile – the same.
Solzhenitsyn must be tried, and we must talk about it, and he can be sent to Verkhoyansk to serve his sentence, no foreign correspondents will go there: it is very cold there. We cannot hide from the people. Articles should be placed in newspapers.
PODGORNYY: Solzhenitsyn is conducting active anti-Soviet work. At one time, we expelled less dangerous enemies than Solzhenitsyn from the country or put them on trial, but we still cannot approach Solzhenitsyn, we are still looking for an approach. Solzhenitsyn’s last book does not give any grounds for indulging him.
It is necessary that this measure, of course, does not damage the implementation of other actions. Solzhenitsyn has many followers, but we cannot ignore his actions.
I believe that the people will support any action on our part. Articles in newspapers should be published, but very well-argued and convincing. Now they know a lot about him and they also already know about the last book. Voice of America, Radio Free Europe, and other radio stations are broadcasting about him. Both here and abroad, they are waiting to see what measures the Soviet government will take against Solzhenitsyn. He, of course, is unafraid and believes that no measures will be taken against him.
I believe that, even in spite of the all-European meeting, we cannot back down from applying measures in relation to Solzhenitsyn. And even regardless of the fact that the all-European meeting is taking place, it is necessary to hold a trial against Solzhenitsyn, and let them know that we are pursuing a principled policy in this regard. We show no mercy to our enemies.
I believe that we will cause great damage to our common cause if we do not take action against Solzhenitsyn, even in spite of the fact that there is noise abroad. Of course, there will be all kinds of conversations, but the interests of our people, the interests of the Soviet state, and our party take precedence. If we do not take these decisive measures, we will be asked why we don’t.
I want to speak out for Solzhenitsyn to be put on trial. If we send him away, we will show our weakness. We need to prepare for the trial, expose Solzhenitsyn in the press, open a case against him, conduct an investigation, and take the case to court through the Prosecutor’s Office.
POLYANSKIY: Can he be arrested before the court?
ANDROPOV: Yes. I consulted with Rudenko on this matter.
PODGORNYY: As for eviction to some other country, it is completely inadvisable to do so without the consent of that country.
ANDROPOV: We will begin work on his expulsion, but at the same time we’ll also start a case against him and isolate him.
PODGORNYY: If we send him abroad, he will harm us there too.
GROMYKO: Obviously, we should focus on the domestic option.
ANDROPOV: I think that the longer we delay the case against Solzhenitsyn, the worse it will get.
PODGORNYY: It is possible that they’ll drag out the case with Solzhenitsyn, let’s say, they’ll drag out the investigation. But let him be in prison this time.
SHELEPIN: When we gathered three months ago at Comrade Kosygin’s and discussed the measures that should be taken in relation to Solzhenitsyn, we came to the conclusion at that time that administrative measures should not be taken. And at that time, it was the right decision. But now the situation has changed. Solzhenitsyn went openly against Soviet power, the Soviet state. And now, I think, it is beneficial for us to solve the problem with Solzhenitsyn before the end of the European meeting. This will show that our principles are consistent. If we hold this action after the European meeting, we will be accused of insincerity at the meeting when we made the decision, that we are already beginning to violate these decisions, and so on. We have a clear and correct line. We will not allow anyone to violate our Soviet laws. Sending him abroad? In my opinion, this measure is not appropriate. In my opinion, foreign states should not be involved in this matter. We have judicial bodies, and let them start an investigation, and then a trial.
BREZHNEV: The Solzhenitsyn question is, of course, far from simple. Very complex. The bourgeois press is trying to tie Solzhenitsyn’s case to our large-scale actions for a peaceful settlement. How will we deal with Solzhenitsyn? I believe that the best way is to proceed in accordance with our Soviet laws.
ALL: Correct.
BREZHNEV: Our Prosecutor’s Office can start an investigation, prepare an indictment, and detail in this indictment what he is guilty of. Solzhenitsyn spent his time in prison, served a sentence for a gross violation of Soviet legislation, and was rehabilitated. But how was he rehabilitated? He was rehabilitated by two people — Shatunovskaya and Snegov. In accordance with our laws, he must be allowed the possibility to communicate abroad while the investigation is being conducted. The investigation must be carried out openly, to show the people his hostile anti-Soviet activities, the desecration of our Soviet system, the denigration of the memory of the great leader, the founder of the party and the state, V. I. Lenin, the desecration of the memory of the victims of the Great Patriotic War, the justification of counter-revolutionaries, a direct violation of our laws. He must be judged on the basis of our law.
In our time, we were not afraid to oppose the counter-revolution in Czechoslovakia. We were not afraid to let Alliluyeva out of the country. We have experienced all this. I think we will survive this too. It is necessary to give reasoned articles, to give a strict and clear answer to the writings of such a journalist as Alsop, to publish articles in other newspapers.
I spoke with Comrade Gromyko regarding the influence of our steps in relation to Solzhenitsyn at the all-European meeting. I think that it will not have much impact. It is obviously not in our best interests to send him away, since no one will take him in. It’s one thing when Kuznetsov and others ran away on their own, and another when we expel them administratively.
Therefore, I would consider it necessary to instruct the KGB and the Prosecutor’s Office of the USSR to draw up the procedure for bringing Solzhenitsyn to justice and, taking into account everything that was said here, at the meeting of the Politburo, to take appropriate measures of judicial order.
PODGORNYY: He must be arrested and charged.
BREZHNEV: Let’s allow Comrades Andropov and Rudenko draft the entire procedure for bringing charges and everything as it should be, in accordance with our legislation.
I would consider it necessary to entrust Comrades Andropov, Demichev, and Katushev to prepare information for the secretaries of the communist and workers’ parties of socialist countries and other leaders of the communist parties of friendly countries about our measures regarding Solzhenitsyn.
ALL: Agreed.
Translation © 2025 by Michael Estes and TranslatingHistory.org
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